HOME 携帯サイト サイトマップ 掲示板 業務内容 価格表 地図 経歴 リンク 資料室 辞書 English

Full text of Blair's EU speech
Thursday, June 23, 2005 Posted: 1108 GMT (1908 HKT)

BRUSSELS, Belgium -- Here is the full text of British Prime Minister Tony Blair's speech to the European Parliament in Brussels on Thursday, as provided by the UK's Press Association:

It is an honor to be here in the European Parliament today. With your permission, I will come back after each European Council during the UK Presidency and report to you.

In addition, I would be happy to consult the parliament before each Council, so as to have the benefit of the views of the European Parliament before Council deliberations.

This is a timely address. Whatever else people disagree upon in Europe today, they at least agree on one point: Europe is in the midst of a profound debate about its future. I want to talk to you plainly today about this debate, the reasons for it and how to resolve it. In every crisis there is an opportunity.

There is one here for Europe now, if we have the courage to take it.

The debate over Europe should not be conducted by trading insults or in terms of personality. It should be an open and frank exchange of ideas. And right at the outset I want to describe clearly how I define the debate and the disagreement underlying it.

The issue is not between a "free market" Europe and a social Europe, between those who want to retreat to a common market and those who believe in Europe as a political project.

This is not just a misrepresentation. It is to intimidate those who want change in Europe by representing the desire for change as betrayal of the European ideal, to try to shut off serious debate about Europe's future by claiming that the very insistence on debate is to embrace the anti-Europe.

It is a mindset I have fought against all my political life. Ideals survive through change. They die through inertia in the face of challenge.

I am a passionate pro-European. I always have been. My first vote was in 1975 in the British referendum on membership and I voted yes. In 1983, when I was the last candidate in the UK to be selected shortly before that election and when my party had a policy of withdrawing from Europe, I told the selection conference that I disagreed with the policy. Some thought I had lost the selection. Some perhaps wish I had. I then helped change our policy in the 1980s and was proud of that change.

Since being Prime Minister I signed the Social Chapter, helped, along with France, to create the modern European Defense Policy, have played my part in the Amsterdam, the Nice, then the Rome treaties.

This is a union of values, of solidarity between nations and people, of not just a common market in which we trade but a common political space in which we live as citizens. It always will be.

I believe in Europe as a political project. I believe in Europe with a strong and caring social dimension. I would never accept a Europe that was simply an economic market.

To say that is the issue is to escape the real debate and hide in the comfort zone of the things we have always said to each other in times of difficulty.

There is not some division between the Europe necessary to succeed economically and social Europe. Political Europe and economic Europe do not live in separate rooms.

The purpose of social Europe and economic Europe should be to sustain each other.

The purpose of political Europe should be to promote the democratic and effective institutions to develop policy in these two spheres and across the board where we want and need to cooperate in our mutual interest.

But the purpose of political leadership is to get the policies right for today's world.

For 50 years Europe's leaders have done that. We talk of crisis. Let us first talk of achievement. When the war ended, Europe was in ruins. Today the EU stands as a monument to political achievement. Almost 50 years of peace, 50 years of prosperity, 50 years of progress. Think of it and be grateful.

The broad sweep of history is on the side of the EU. Countries round the world are coming together because in collective cooperation they increase individual strength. Until the second half of the 20th century, for centuries European nations individually had dominated the world, colonized large parts of it, fought wars against each other for world supremacy.

Out of the carnage of the Second World War, political leaders had the vision to realize those days were gone. Today's world does not diminish that vision. It demonstrates its prescience. The USA is the world's only superpower. But China and India in a few decades will be the world's largest economies, each of them with populations three times that of the whole of the EU. The idea of Europe, united and working together, is essential for our nations to be strong enough to keep our place in this world.

Now, almost 50 years on, we have to renew. There is no shame in that. All institutions must do it. And we can. But only if we remarry the European ideals we believe in with the modern world we live in.

If Europe defaulted to Euroskepticism, or if European nations faced with this immense challenge, decide to huddle together, hoping we can avoid globalization, shrink away from confronting the changes around us, take refuge in the present policies of Europe as if by constantly repeating them, we would by the very act of repetition make them more relevant, then we risk failure. Failure on a grand, strategic, scale. This is not a time to accuse those who want Europe to change of betraying Europe. It is a time to recognize that only by change will Europe recover its strength, its relevance, its idealism and therefore its support amongst the people.

And as ever the people are ahead of the politicians. We always think as a political class that people, unconcerned with the daily obsession of politics, may not understand it, may not see its subtleties and its complexities. But, ultimately, people always see politics more clearly than us. Precisely because they are not daily obsessed with it.

The issue is not about the idea of the European Union. It is about modernization. It is about policy. It is not a debate about how to abandon Europe but how to make it do what it was set up to do: improve the lives of people. And right now, they aren't convinced. Consider this.

For four years Europe conducted a debate over our new constitution, two years of it in the Convention. It was a detailed and careful piece of work setting out the new rules to govern a Europe of 25 and in time 27, 28 and more member states. It was endorsed by all Governments. It was supported by all leaders. It was then comprehensively rejected in referendums in two founding member states, in the case of the Netherlands by over 60 percent. The reality is that in most member states it would be hard today to secure a "yes" for it in a referendum.

There are two possible explanations. One is that people studied the Constitution and disagreed with its precise articles. I doubt that was the basis of the majority "no." This was not an issue of bad drafting or specific textual disagreement.

The other explanation is that the Constitution became merely the vehicle for the people to register a wider and deeper discontent with the state of affairs in Europe. I believe this to be the correct analysis.

If so, it is not a crisis of political institutions, it is a crisis of political leadership. People in Europe are posing hard questions to us. They worry about globalization, job security, about pensions and living standards.

They see not just their economy but their society changing around them. Traditional communities are broken up, ethnic patterns change, family life is under strain as families struggle to balance work and home.

We are living through an era of profound upheaval and change. Look at our children and the technology they use and the jobs market they face. The world is unrecognizable from that we experienced as students 20, 30 years ago. When such change occurs, moderate people must give leadership. If they don't, the extremes gain traction on the political process. It happens within a nation. It is happening in Europe now.

Just reflect. The Laeken Declaration which launched the Constitution was designed "to bring Europe closer to the people." Did it? The Lisbon agenda was launched in the year 2000 with the ambition of making Europe "the most competitive place to do business in the world by 2010." We are halfway through that period. Has it succeeded?

I have sat through Council Conclusions after Council Conclusions describing how we are "reconnecting Europe to the people." Are we?

It is time to give ourselves a reality check. To receive the wake-up call. The people are blowing the trumpets round the city walls. Are we listening? Have we the political will to go out and meet them so that they regard our leadership as part of the solution not the problem?

That is the context in which the budget debate should be set. People say: We need the budget to restore Europe's credibility. Of course we do. But it should be the right budget. It shouldn't be abstracted from the debate about Europe's crisis. It should be part of the answer to it.

I want to say a word about last Friday's summit. There have been suggestions that I was not willing to compromise on the UK rebate; that I only raised CAP [Common Agricultural Policy] reform at the last minute; that I expected to renegotiate the CAP on Friday night. In fact, I am the only British leader that has ever said I would put the rebate on the table. I never said we should end the CAP now or renegotiate it overnight. Such a position would be absurd. Any change must take account of the legitimate needs of farming communities and happen over time.

I have said simply two things: that we cannot agree a new financial perspective that does not at least set out a process that leads to a more rational budget; and that this must allow such a budget to shape the second half of that perspective up to 2013. Otherwise it will be 2014 before any fundamental change is agreed, let alone implemented. Again, in the meantime, of course Britain will pay its fair share of enlargement. I might point out that on any basis we would remain the second highest net contributor to the EU, having in this perspective paid billions more than similar-sized countries.

So, that is the context. What would a different policy agenda for Europe look like?

First, it would modernize our social model. Again some have suggested I want to abandon Europe's social model. But tell me: what type of social model is it that has 20 million unemployed in Europe; productivity rates falling behind those of the USA; that is allowing more science graduates to be produced by India than by Europe; and that, on any relative index of a modern economy -- skills, R&D, patents, IT, is going down, not up. India will expand its biotechnology sector fivefold in the next five years. China has trebled its spending on R&D in the last five.

Of the top 20 universities in the world today, only two are now in Europe.

The purpose of our social model should be to enhance our ability to compete, to help our people cope with globalization, to let them embrace its opportunities and avoid its dangers. Of course we need a social Europe. But it must be a social Europe that works.

And we've been told how to do it. The Kok report in 2004 shows the way. Investment in knowledge, in skills, in active labor market policies, in science parks and innovation, in higher education, in urban regeneration, in help for small businesses. This is modern social policy, not regulation and job protection that may save some jobs for a time at the expense of many jobs in the future.

And since this is a day for demolishing caricatures, let me demolish one other: the idea that Britain is in the grip of some extreme Anglo-Saxon market philosophy that tramples on the poor and disadvantaged.

The present British government has introduced the new deal for the unemployed, the largest jobs program in Europe that has seen, long-term youth unemployment virtually abolished. It has increased investment in our public services more than any other European country in the past five years. We needed to, it is true, but we did it. We have introduced Britain's first minimum wage. We have regenerated our cities. We have lifted almost one million children out of poverty and two million pensioners out of acute hardship and are embarked on the most radical expansion of childcare, maternity and paternity rights in our country's history. It is just that we have done it on the basis of, and not at the expense of, a strong economy.

Secondly, let the budget reflect these realities. Again the Sapir report shows the way. Published by the European Commission in 2003, it sets out in clear detail what a modern European Budget would look like. Put it into practice. But a modern budget for Europe is not one that 10 years from now is still spending 40 percent of its money on the CAP.

Thirdly, implement the Lisbon Agenda. On jobs, labor market participation, school leavers, lifelong learning, we are making progress that nowhere near matches the precise targets we set out at Lisbon. That agenda told us what to do. Let us do it.

Fourth, and here I tread carefully, get a macroeconomic framework for Europe that is disciplined but also flexible. It is not for me to comment on the Eurozone. I just say this: If we agreed real progress on economic reform, if we demonstrated real seriousness on structural change, then people would perceive reform of macro policy as sensible and rational, not a product of fiscal laxity but of common sense. And we need such reform urgently if Europe is to grow.

After the economic and social challenges, then let us confront another set of linked issues -- crime, security and immigration.

Crime is now crossing borders more easily than ever before. Organized crime costs the UK at least £20 billion annually.

Migration has doubled in the past 20 years. Much of the migration is healthy and welcome. But it must be managed. Illegal immigration is an issue for all our nations, and a human tragedy for many thousands of people. It is estimated that 70 per cent of illegal immigrants have their passage facilitated by organized crime groups. Then there is the repugnant practice of human trafficking whereby organized gangs move people from one region to another with the intention of exploiting them when they arrive. Between 600,000 and 800,000 people are trafficked globally each year. Every year over 100,000 women are victims of trafficking in the European Union.

Again, a relevant JHA agenda would focus on these issues: implementing the EU action plan on counter-terrorism which has huge potential to improve law enforcement as well as addressing the radicalization and recruitment of terrorists; cross-border intelligence and policing on organized crime; developing proposals to hit the people and drug traffickers hard, in opening up their bank accounts, harassing their activities, arresting their leading members and bring them to justice; getting returns agreements for failed asylum seekers and illegal immigrants from neighboring countries and others; developing biometric technology to make Europe's borders secure.

Then there is the whole area of CFSP. We should be agreeing practical measures to enhance European defense capability, be prepared to take on more missions of peacekeeping and enforcement, develop the capability, with NATO or where NATO does not want to be engaged outside it, to be able to intervene quickly and effectively in support of conflict resolution. Look at the numbers in European armies today and our expenditure. Do they really answer the strategic needs of today?

Such a defense policy is a necessary part of an effective foreign policy. But even without it, we should be seeing how we can make Europe's influence count. When the European Union agreed recently a doubling of aid to Africa, it was an immediate boost not just for that troubled continent, but for European cooperation. We are world leaders in development and proud of it. We should be leading the way on promoting a new multi-lateral trade agreement which will increase trade for all, especially the poorest nations. We are leading the debate on climate change and developing pan-European policies to tackle it. Thanks to Javier Solana, Europe has started to make its presence felt in the Middle East peace process. But my point is very simple. A strong Europe would be an active player in foreign policy, a good partner, of course, to the US but also capable of demonstrating its own capacity to shape and move the world forward.

Such a Europe -- its economy in the process of being modernized, its security enhanced by clear action within our borders and beyond -- would be a confident Europe. It would be a Europe confident enough to see enlargement not as a threat, as if membership were a zero sum game in which old members lose as new members gain, but an extraordinary, historic opportunity to build a greater and more powerful union. Because be under no illusion: if we stop enlargement or shut out its natural consequences, it wouldn't, in the end, save one job, keep one firm in business, prevent one demoralization. For a time it might, but not for long.

And in the meantime Europe will become more narrow, more introspective and those who garner support will be those not in the traditions of European idealism but in those of outdated nationalism and xenophobia. But I tell you in all frankness: it is a contradiction to be in favor of liberalizing Europe's membership but against opening up its economy.

If we set out that clear direction, if we then combined it with the Commission -- as this one under Jose Manuel Barroso's leadership is fully capable of doing -- that is prepared to send back some of the unnecessary regulation, peel back some of the bureaucracy and become a champion of a global, outward-looking, competitive Europe -- then it will not be hard to capture the imagination and support of the people of Europe.

In our Presidency, we will try to take forward the budget deal; to resolve some of the hard dossiers, like the Services Directive and Working Time Directive; to carry out the union's obligations to those like Turkey and Croatia that wait in hope of a future as part of Europe; and to conduct this debate about the future of Europe in an open, inclusive way, giving our own views strongly but fully respectful of the views of others.

Only one thing I ask: don't let us kid ourselves that this debate is unnecessary; that if only we assume "business as usual," people will sooner or later relent and acquiesce in Europe as it is, not as they want it to be. In my time as prime minister, I have found that the hard part is not taking the decision, it is spotting when it has to be taken. It is understanding the difference between the challenges that have to be managed and those that have to be confronted and overcome. This is such a moment of decision for Europe.

The people of Europe are speaking to us. They are posing the questions. They are wanting our leadership. It is time we gave it to them.


CNN.com より引用
英国ブレア首相の欧州連合における演説文(2005.6.23)

■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■

TOP
PM’s remarks at the reception hosted by Indian Ambassador in Washington
July 19, 2005 Washington


“I am very pleased to be with all of you this evening and appreciate your warm welcome. I am here in Washington on a visit at the invitation of President Bush. It is our shared hope that the discussions that we had yesterday would mark a transformation of ties between our two great democracies. I take the opportunity today to share with you my thoughts regarding the vision of our partnership and what you, as Indians resident in the United States, could contribute to these goals.

In 1949, Panditji came here on what he himself described as a ‘voyage of discovery’. I am here on a mission to give U.S. leaders an overview of the dramatic changes now taking place in India in our quest for social and economic transformation. India now happens to be one of the fastest growing economies in the world. Indian economy has now acquired the capacity to grow annually at the rate of 7-8 per cent. It is an endeavour to communicate to the opinion makers the ferment and energy that characterize Indian society. It is to convey that there is a new India in the making: one of world class firms, of a dynamic services sector, of young entrepreneurs and risk takers, of confident professionals and of rising urban and rural income levels. My purpose in coming to the United States were three. First, to enhance an appreciation of these very changes which have given us the capability to better partner the United States. Second, to emphasise that the United States can contribute to these processes, accelerate growth rates in India by its policies and that it is in US strategic interest that the Indian economy expands rapidly. And third, that the educational empowerment of a demographically young India provides the basis for a long-term partnership between two key knowledge powers. My message is that India is an open economy as well as an open society, one capable and confident of closely engaging the world.

I believe that these last two days, the groundwork has been laid for a new relationship. I saw a different level of interest in India on the part of the President himself, key members of the Administration and among members of the US Congress, to whom I had the honour of delivering an address this morning. I saw as well that the corporate sector in the United States is looking at India very much more positively. This is reflected in the enthusiasm of the CEOs who have joined the bilateral forum that the President and I inaugurated yesterday. Initiatives and understandings that emerge from this visit should contribute to the long-term strength and competitiveness of India. For me, this visit represents an important step in our journey towards reform and modernization that began in 1991.

Our challenge in India is to meet the rising aspirations of the upwardly mobile while simultaneously addressing the basic needs of those who are still vulnerable. We are committed to take determined measures to get rid of poverty, ignorance and disease which still afflict large section of our population. These are not choices, but two faces of the challenge of taking India forward. In the past, our ties with the United States have benefited India greatly. We seek now to build on that tradition while forging a new partnership. Obviously, with the passage of time, the terms of agreement are bound to change. Renewed cooperation in agricultural research, a focus on promoting agri-business, supporting innovative technologies, expanding educational networking, and building frontier science capabilities are all steps designed at giving our ties a contemporary relevance. Our two countries can cooperate to use the advances in modern science and technology to accelerate the pace of social and economic development. Our capability to partner the US on addressing global challenges has also increased and strengthening democratic capacities, addressing the HIV/AIDS challenge and responding to natural disasters are among our shared goals.

Our track record, even within the last year, clearly conveys a determination to raise the quality and scope of our cooperation. We have completed the Next Steps in Strategic Partnership, established Energy and Economic Dialogues, put in place an IPR regime and investment policies that encourage business, addressed the Dabhol problem, concluded an Open Skies Agreement with the USA, expanded our defence cooperation with a new framework, and worked closely on tsunami relief. These achievements give us the confidence to now tackle the more ambitious agenda that we have before us.

The role of the Indian community and Indian-Americans in this transformation process is vital. It is your creativity, knowledge, entrepreneurship and work ethic that has helped to greatly transform the image of India in American minds. No community in American history has achieved as much success in as short a time span as Indian-Americans. From a bridge between our two societies, you could become a veritable highway for the flow of ideas, technology and capital. You embody the knowledge partnership between us, whose broadening will surely make Indo-US ties one of the principal relationships of the world.

I thank you for all that you have done, individually and together, for India. Your support and your talents are necessary for our continued progress. I believe that the 21st century will be a global one, belonging to global citizens. It will a century of freedom, of democracy, of multi-culturalism and of knowledge. These are the very values you represent, values that we admire. Through your commitment and efforts, India and the Indo-US partnership will grow together.”


from the website of the Indian government Prime Minister's Office
インドのマンモハン・シン首相の米国議会における演説文(2005.7.19)


■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■


TOP
U.S.-Japan Economic Relations: Never Better (Minister-Counselor Zumwalt in Kyushu)
February 25, 2005 Kagoshima

Introduction:

はじめに

Good afternoon. It's an honor to address you today in Kagoshima, an area that, from the Bakumatsu period onward has contributed to building modern Japan. Ever since I studied Japanese history in college, I have wanted to visit the home of Saigo Takamori, so I very much appreciate your invitation today. Last night I tasted some authentic Kagoshima shochu, and learned that this delicious beverage enjoys considerable popularity across the whole of Japan. I have to say that I look forward to enjoying some "kuro buta" tonight for dinner. Kagoshima has been an important point of contact between Japan and Korea, China, Southeast Asia and the West - especially due to the early and eager adopters of Western technology in the "Satsuma-han." This flexible way of thinking will be needed to sustain Japan's place as a global leader in the 21st century.

こんにちは。今日こうして鹿児島という、幕末から近代日本の建設に貢献してきた土地でお話しさせていただけて光栄です。私は日本史を大学で学んで以来、西郷隆盛ゆかりの地を訪ねたいと思っておりましたので、この度お招きいただいたことを大変感謝しています。実は昨夜、本場鹿児島の焼酎をいただきまして、このおいしい飲み物が日本全国で大変に人気があると伺いました。今夜は夕食に黒豚をいただくことになっているので、こちらもとても楽しみにしています。鹿児島は日本と韓国、中国、東南アジアならびに西洋との重要な接点であり、薩摩藩は特に西洋の技術をいち早く積極的に取り入れてきました。このような柔軟な考え方が、21世紀に日本が世界的なリーダーとしての地位を保つ上で必要となりましょう。

US-Japan Economic Relations - "Gaiatsu"

日米経済関係 - 外圧

When many Japanese people think about U.S.-Japan economic relations, they think of the United States applying gaiatsu to open Japan's markets to foreign goods and investment. While there might have been some truth to this image in the 1990s, this view has become outdated, as bilateral economic relations are now healthy and constructive. Many U.S. companies that used to be on the outside are now major investors in Japan. In 2004, U.S. companies invested roughly 200 billion yen in Japan, including household names like Kodak and Wal-Mart. In 2004, Toys R Us opened its 150th store in Japan, and Starbucks has over 30 coffee shops in Kyushu alone. Indeed over 70 U.S. firms have a physical presence in Kyushu.

日米経済関係というと、日本人の多くは、米国が外圧をかけて日本の市場を外国製品や外国資本へ開放しようとしていると思うでしょう。このようなイメージは1990年代には幾分正しかったかもしれませんが、今となっては時代遅れな見方で、現在の2国間の経済関係は良好で建設的です。以前は部外者だった多くの米国企業も今では日本国内での主要な投資家となっています。2004年には米国企業は日本で約2000億円投資しており、その中にはコダックやウォールマート等のよく知られた会社が含まれています。同年にはトイザラスが日本で150店舗目をオープンし、スターバックスは九州だけでも30店舗以上あります。実に70以上の米国企業が九州に存在しています。

Of course, like all relationships, U.S.-Japan economic ties still experience rough spots. Although Japan has made great strides in opening its economy to outside capital and ideas, some market access concerns remain. One pressing trade issue is beef. As I'm sure you are aware, Japan banned all imports of U.S. beef in December 2003 following the discovery of a single BSE-infected cow in Washington State. Since that time, the United States has devoted great efforts to address Japanese technical concerns. In October of 2004 our governments agreed on a road map to resume beef trade.

もちろん、どんな関係にも波があるように、日米経済関係にも厳しい時期があります。これまで日本は外国からの資本やアイデアに市場を開放する面で大きく前進したとはいえ、市場アクセスの面でまだ問題が残っています。ひとつの差し迫った貿易問題は牛肉です。ご存知のとおり、日本は米国のワシントン州でBSE感染牛が1頭発見されたことを受け、2003年12月に米国産牛肉の輸入を全面禁止しました。以来、米国は日本の技術上の懸念に対応するため多大な努力を払ってきました。そして2004年10月に両国政府は牛肉貿易再開への道筋に合意しました。

The simple fact is that U.S. beef is safe. The beef we want to sell to Japan is the same as that enjoyed by over 280 million Americans. Not one of these persons has contracted the human form of the disease from eating this beef. The time has come for us to resolve this issue, which will damage other aspects of our bilateral relationship if it is allowed to fester.

端的に申し上げて、米国産牛肉は安全です。私たちが日本に売りたいと思っている牛肉は、2億8000万人以上の米国人が食べているものと同じものです。その牛肉を食べて、BSEに感染した人はひとりもいません。この問題に終止符を打つ時がやってきました。もしこれ以上問題が長引けば、日米関係の他の面に悪影響が出るでしょう。

But despite this (hopefully) temporary problem, U.S. interest in the Japanese economy now includes many diverse issues, and our highest economic priority remains to advance shared interests of both countries and the world.

しかし、この(願わくば)一時的な問題にもかかわらず、米国の日本経済における関心は現在様々な分野にわたっており、私たちの経済政策の優先事項は依然として、両国そして世界が共に持つ利益を促進することにあります。

Japan is America's Most Important Friend and Ally

日本は米国の最も大事な友人・味方

The United States and Japan have different cultures, different geographies, different histories, and we fought a ferocious war that ended only 60 years ago. Yet U.S.-Japan relations - symbolized by President Bush and Prime Minister Koizumi's close friendship - are both strong and stable economically, politically, and geo-strategically. The growing economic relationship between the world's two largest national economies is contributing to the health of the regional and global economy. We are your second-largest export market, and you are our fourth. This holds true in spite of Japan's low economic growth in the 1990s and significant changes in trade and investment patterns in the East Asia-Pacific region.

米国と日本は異なる文化、地理、歴史を持ち、あのすさまじい戦争が終結したのはほんの60年前のことです。しかし、日米関係はブッシュ大統領と小泉総理大臣の親密な友好関係に象徴されているように、経済面、政治面、そして地政学的な戦略面においても強固で安定しています。世界の2大経済大国間の経済関係の発展は、世界経済と地域経済にも貢献しています。米国は日本にとって第2位の輸出相手国であり、日本は米国にとって第4位の輸出相手国です。この状態は、1990年代に日本の経済成長が低迷し、東アジア・太平洋地域での貿易と投資のパターンに大きな変化があったにもかかわらず、そのまま保たれています。

Media reporting has given much attention in recent weeks to the news that Japan's 2004 trade with China exceeded Japan's trade with the U.S. for the first time. This news is an impressive indicator of China's emergence as a major trading nation, but it would be wrong to conclude that Japan's economic relationship with the United States is losing importance. These trade numbers do not reflect the maturity of the U.S.-Japan economic relationship, nor the history of investment flows. An increasingly significant volume of goods and services is provided by Japanese investors in the United States and by U.S. investors in Japan. The total Japanese investment stock in the U.S. stood at $150 billion in 2002, while U.S. investment stock in Japan was $30.2 billion.

最近のニュースで話題になっているのは、2004年に日本の対中国貿易が対米国貿易を初めて超えたということです。このニュースは主要貿易国として中国が浮上してきたことを見事に示していますが、日米間の経済関係の重要性が失われつつあると思うのは間違っています。貿易に関するこれらの数字は、日米経済関係の成熟度や投資の歴史などを反映していません。日本の対米投資と米国の対日投資によって提供される物品やサービスの量は増加しています。2002年の時点で、日本の対米投資総額はストックベースで1500億ドルで、米国の対日投資総額は302億ドルでした。

Right here in Kyushu, you have several well-known cases of U.S. investment. In Miyazaki, Ripplewood's 2001 acquisition of the Seagaia resort complex has helped to turn it around and preserve a key source of jobs. In Fukuoka, Colony Capital last year acquired ownership from Daiei Inc. of the Fukuoka Dome and neighboring Sea Hawk Hotel and Mall, thus injecting hundreds of millions of dollars into the local economy. Colony Capital is investing aggressively to refurbish the hotel and expand the shopping mall. By bringing in JAL to manage the hotel and by forming a strong partnership with Softbank, the new owner of the baseball team, Colony is expanding the resort's customer base and promoting it as a year-round resort destination. These efforts will contribute significantly to the Kyushu economy.

ここ九州にも有名な米国投資の事例がいくつかあります。宮崎では2001年にリップルウッド社がシーガイヤ・リゾートを買収し、再生を助け、大事な雇用先の維持に貢献しました。福岡では昨年、コロニー・キャピタルがダイエーから福岡ドームとシーホークホテルアンドリゾートを買収し、地元の経済に何億ドルも投入しました。コロニー・キャピタルは、ホテルの改装とショッピングモールの拡張のため積極的に投資しています。ホテルの経営をJALに任せ、野球チームの新オーナーであるソフトバンクと強力なパートナーシップを結ぶことにより、コロニー・キャピタルはリゾートの顧客ベースを拡大し、1年を通して楽しめるリゾートとして宣伝しています。こうした努力は九州経済に大きく貢献することでしょう。

U.S.-Japan Ties are Enduring

日米関係は不朽

In spite of momentous changes in the world over the past 60 years - the end of the Cold War, the emergence of China as a major world actor, and the growing threat of terrorism - our political relationship has also endured and thrived. This partnership and friendship have remained strong because the United States and Japan share common values, and these common values help our friendship withstand changes that might otherwise affect our relationship. Among our common values are our belief in democracy, our desire to promote human rights, and our conviction that the market economy is the most efficient way of organizing our economies in order to promote growth. And also, we share a belief that it is in our mutual interest to promote sustainable economic growth throughout the world. So these shared values underpin our interests, as the world's two largest economies, to protect and strengthen the world order.

冷戦の終結、世界における主要なプレーヤーとしての中国の台頭、そして増大するテロの脅威等、過去60年に渡る極めて重大な変化にもかかわらず、日米間の政治関係も維持され発展してきました。このパートナーシップと友好関係が強固に続いてきたのは、米国と日本が共通の価値観を持ち、私たちの友好関係に影響を与えかねない変化をも乗り切る支えになっているからです。共通の価値観としては、民主主義に対する信念、人権擁護推進への意欲、そして市場経済が成長を促進するために最も効率的な経済システムであるという確信等があります。さらに、世界経済の持続的成長を推進することが私たち相互の利益に適う、という信念も共有しています。よって、世界秩序の保持と強化に対する、世界の2大経済大国としての私たちの関心は、こうした共通の価値観により支えられているのです。

What impresses me even more than the strong economic and political ties between our two nations is the remarkable people-to-people relationship. Americans and Japanese are fascinated and positively influenced by each other. There was a time when this cultural appeal was mostly one way, a time when Katherine Hepburn and Gary Cooper appeared on Kagoshima movie screens, Disneyland in your children's imaginations, and McDonalds hamburgers on your lunch menus. Now the culture flows both ways. On a typical day, an American might drive to work in a Japanese car, eat sushi for lunch, and cheer Hideki Matsui or Ichiro in a Major League baseball game. Student exchanges - such as the one I went on as a high school student - flourish as never before. Since 1993, approximately 500,000 Japanese have studied in the United States, and we are eager to host even more. In that same time, about 25,000 American students have come to Japan.

2国間の強固な経済的、政治的な関係より私がもっと感心させられることは、人と人の間のすばらしい関係です。米国人と日本人はお互いに関心を持ち、好影響を与え合ってきました。鹿児島の映画館にキャサリン・ヘップバーンやゲーリー・クーパーが映ったり、子供たちがディズニーランドを思い浮かべたり、マクドナルドのハンバーガーがお昼に出たりと、文化的な興味が一方的であった時代もありました。しかし今は文化交流は双方向です。米国人の典型的な日を見てみると、日本車で通勤し、お寿司をお昼に食べ、松井秀喜やイチローがメジャーリーグでプレイするのを応援するかもしれません。私が高校時代に経験したような交換留学は、以前にも増して盛んになっています。1993年以来、約50万人の日本人が米国に留学しましたが、もっと多くの学生に来て欲しいと願っています。同期間にはおよそ2万5000人の米国人学生が日本に留学しました。

U.S.-Japan Relations Have Never Been Stronger

現在の日米関係は前例のないほど強固

U.S.-Japan relations are strong - indeed they have never been better. The warm friendship between President Bush and Prime Minister Koizumi symbolizes this relationship. Americans regard Prime Minister Koizumi as a dynamic, forward-thinking leader who is willing to accept Japan's role as a great power in the world. His commitment to carry through his crucial economic reform package is not only admirable and a benefit to Japan but, perhaps even more important, it will help restore the economy as a global engine for growth. Prime Minister Koizumi has, through active foreign diplomacy, cemented Japan's role as a powerful actor on the world stage.

日米関係は強固で、まさに前例のないほど良好です。ブッシュ大統領と小泉総理大臣の温かい友好関係がこれを象徴しています。小泉総理大臣は、世界における偉大な大国としての日本の役割を引き受ける意欲のある、ダイナミックで前向きなリーダーである、と米国人は思っています。一連の重要な経済改革をやり遂げようという意志は立派で、日本にとって有益であるばかりか、恐らくさらに重要なのは、日本経済が回復し、再び世界の成長の原動力となる助けになることでしょう。小泉総理大臣は積極的な外交を通じ、世界の舞台で影響力を持つ国としての日本を確立しました。

Our combined economic size means that U.S.-Japan relationship matters to others.

2国合わせた経済の規模から日米関係は他にも影響

I have explained why U.S.-Japan relations have remained durable and strong. But why does this matter for people outside the United States and Japan? The importance of our relationship to the world can be explained by our size and influence. Our two countries are world leaders - economically, politically, culturally, and militarily. So the fact that we have such a strong relationship is very important, not only to us, but to the entire world, because as the world's two most prosperous and successful societies, the world looks to the United States and Japan for leadership.

これまでなぜ日米関係が永続的で強固であるかということを私は説明しました。しかし、なぜこれが米国人と日本人以外の人たちに影響があるのでしょうか。日米関係が世界にとって重要なのは、日米両国の規模と影響力で説明できます。私たちの国は両国とも、経済的、政治的、文化的、そして軍事的にも世界のリーダーです。よって、2国間が強い関係を持つことは私たちにとってのみならず、世界にとって重要であり、それも世界で最も繁栄し成功している社会として、世界は米国と日本にリーダーシップを求めるからです。

Economically, the U.S. and Japan together account for 42% of the world's gross domestic product, which is as big as the 18 next largest economies combined. Our two nations account for about one-quarter of all world trade. Japanese and American companies file about 60% of all patents in the world each year; we make almost 40% of the world's automobiles and account for about half of all money spent on research and development worldwide.

経済的に米国と日本は合わせて世界の国内総生産(GDP)の42%を占め、それに続く18カ国の合計に匹敵します。また、日米両国は世界貿易の約4分の1を占めています。日本と米国の企業は毎年世界の特許申請の約60%、自動車生産の40%近く、ならびに研究開発費のおよそ半分を占めています。

As the world's largest economies, we work together as a positive force to influence world events constructively. We do this in China, where our business communities strive to strengthen China's intellectual property regime and the rule of law, and also in Africa, where we are strengthening the public health system. We are working together to resolve the threats emanating from the Korean peninsula. We stand side by side in the war on terrorism, through activities such as stemming the flow of terrorist assets in the international banking system. From our perspective, Japan is truly a valued partner in shaping the world economic order.

世界の2大経済大国として私たちは、世界の出来事に建設的に影響を及ぼそうと、前向きな姿勢で共に取り組んでいます。中国では、私たちのビジネス界が知的財産権制度と法の支配の強化に努めており、アフリカでは公衆衛生の強化に取り組んでいます。朝鮮半島からの脅威を解決しようと共に取り組んでいます。国際金融システムにおけるテロリスト資産の流れを阻止するなど、対テロ戦争でも協力しています。私たちにとって、日本は世界経済秩序を形成する上で貴重な真のパートナーです。

I would like to highlight three areas where we can work together - foreign assistance, promoting trade liberalization and strengthening regional economic institutions.

私たちが共に取り組める分野として、海外援助、自由貿易推進ならびに地域経済組織の強化の3つを取り上げたいと思います。

The United States and Japan are linked in shared grief over the loss of life and property from the recent earthquake and tsunami in the Indian Ocean. In a shared spirit of compassion and responsibility, we are leading an unprecedented international effort to help those affected by this tragedy rebuild their societies. Japan disbursed the remarkable amount of $500 million in grant aid to the affected countries within a matter of weeks. U.S. forces based in Japan were also able to provide logistical support to the Japanese relief effort, by ferrying Japanese food and other supplies to Thailand for distribution throughout the region. We are looking forward to continuing to work closely together in reconstructing the affected countries and in developing a tsunami early warning system in the Indian Ocean.

最近おきたインド洋大地震と津波で多くの死者と損害が出たことに、米国と日本は共に心を痛めております。思いやりの心と責任感を共有することから、被災地の地域社会復興のため、前例のないほどの国際協力を私たちはリードしています。日本は5億ドルの無償資金協力という目を見張るような額を数週間のうちに拠出しました。在日米軍も日本からの食料や他の補給品を、地域全体の流通拠点であるタイに運び、日本の救援活動に後方支援を提供できました。私たちは被災国の復興とインド洋の津波早期警戒システムの開発に向け、引き続き緊密に協力していきたいと思います。

As this example illustrates, our combined efforts matter because we rank as the world's two largest aid donors. Together we give nearly 40% of all assistance to the developing world, and when you include private sector giving, non-government organization funding, peace-keeping efforts, and military relief, the number leaps dramatically.

この例で明らかなように、私たちが力を合わせることが重要なのは、米国と日本が世界の2大援助供与国であるからです。開発途上国への援助は2国合わせて全体の40%を占め、民間や非政府団体からの支援、平和維持活動や軍事支援を含めるとその数字は飛躍的に上昇します。

Japan has been Iraq's second-largest aid donor and continues to provide critical reconstruction and humanitarian assistance. In November, the Japanese Government increased grant aid to Iraq from $1.5 billion to $1.9 billion, and it has already disbursed around $1.3 billion in grant aid for electricity, water, hospitals, police and fire brigade training, education and other areas. Japan has also pledged to contribute a total of $5 billion for Iraqi reconstruction through 2007, including the $1.9 billion in grant aid. Japan also agreed to forgive 80% if Iraq's bilateral debt to Japan, a vital step to putting Iraq's economy on the road to sustainable growth.

日本は対イラク支援で第2位の援助国であり、引き続き重要な復興及び人的支援を提供しています。11月に日本政府は、対イラク無償資金協力を15億ドルから19億ドルに増やし、すでにおよそ13億ドルの無償資金協力を電気、水道、病院、警察と消防隊の研修、教育やその他の分野のために拠出しています。さらに日本は2007年まで19億ドルの無償資金協力を含む総額50億ドルをイラク復興のため拠出すると誓約しています。また、日本はイラクの対日債務の80%を免除することに同意しており、これはイラクの経済を持続的成長の軌道に乗せるための大切な一歩となるでしょう。

Japan has also been one of Afghanistan's most reliable and generous donors, contributing nearly $1 billion in reconstruction assistance since 2002. $800 million of the pledge has already been disbursed. We are working together to build a road that will link up Afghanistan's many regions and help forge a sense of nationhood. In this way our economic assistance programs provide hope to the Afghan people and enhance the prospects for peace and stability.

日本は2002年から10億ドル近くの復興支援を提供し、アフガニスタンの最も信頼できる寛大な援助供与国のひとつともなっています。誓約額のうち、すでに8億ドルを拠出しています。私たちはアフガニスタンの多くの地域をつなぎ、国家意識形成に役立つ道路の建設に協力して取り組んでいます。このように私たちの経済援助がアフガンの人々に希望を与え、平和と安定への展望をよくしています。

We have also been among the principal players in trying to realize a peaceful settlement to ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, where we are offering economic assistance to convince the two warring parties to seek a peaceful solution to a twenty year old conflict.

私たちはスリランカの民族紛争の平和的解決に向け努力している主要国であり、20年も続いている紛争の平和的解決に向けて努力するよう、紛争の両サイドを説得するため経済援助をしています。

Another major area of collaboration is in health, especially in the fight against infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria and polio. The USAID-Japan Partnership for Global Health is focused on human capacity building, education, and disease prevention, and USAID and the GOJ are partnering or exploring cooperation in over 30 countries in various regions. The United States and Japan are also close partners on the board of the Global Fund to Fight AIDs, Tuberculosis and Malaria, to which Japan has pledged $260 million.

もうひとつ協力している主要分野として保健、特にエイズ、マラリア、小児麻痺などの感染症対策があります。「保健分野における日米パートナーシップ」は人材能力開発、教育および病気の予防に焦点をあて、米国国際開発庁(USAID)と日本政府は様々な地域の30を上回る国で提携し協力を試みています。米国と日本は世界エイズ・結核・マラリア対策基金の理事としても緊密なパートナーであり、日本は2億6000万ドルを誓約しています。

Because the U.S. and Japan work so effectively on so many development issues, we are especially concerned that between 2000 and 2003, Japanese ODA declined 30% while the American budget for overseas assistance grew by about 50% from $10 billion to $16 billion.

米国と日本は多くの開発問題に効果的に取り組んでいるが故に、2000年から2003年の間に米国の海外援助予算額が100億ドルから160億ドルへと約50%増加したのに対し、日本のODAが30%削減されたことを私たちは特に懸念しています。

Global Trade Liberalization Efforts

世界貿易自由化への取り組み

As two great trading nations, the United States and Japan share common interests in promoting global trade liberalization. At present, Japan is focusing its trade liberalization efforts on the creation of a network of bilateral Free Trade Areas (FTAs) with Asian and Latin American countries. We hope this effort will lead to open, high-quality agreements that contribute to the liberalization of the world trading system as a whole. But we also need to work together toward a positive outcome for the Doha multilateral trade negotiations. For it is in this multilateral forum that we can achieve the biggest gains to the world economy. The ultimate goal is a better global trade system that is open, transparent and efficient, benefiting rich and poor countries alike.

2大貿易国である米国と日本にとって、世界貿易の自由化推進は共通の関心事です。現在、日本は貿易自由化を推進するにあたり、アジアと南米諸国との2国間自由貿易協定(FTA)ネットワークの創設に焦点をあてています。私たちはこの取り組みが世界貿易システム全体の自由化に貢献する開かれた質の高い協定につながることを期待します。しかし、多国間の貿易交渉であるドーハ・ラウンドでも良い結果を目指し共に取り組む必要があります。というのも、この多国間のフォーラムでこそ世界経済にとって最も大きな利得が得られるからです。最終目的は、開かれた、透明性のある、効率的で、豊かな国も貧しい国も利益を得られるような、より良い世界貿易システムの構築です。

Finally, as the two largest economies in the Asia-Pacific region, we can work together in APEC - a group of 21 economies in the region - to advance regional prosperity and security. Our collaboration is critical to the success of APEC. The 21 leaders who meet each year for the APEC forum represent about 40% of the world's population, almost 50% of world trade, nearly 60% of global economic output. So when APEC leaders achieve a consensus, it carries a lot of weight. But achieving consensus among 21 diverse economies is not always easy. That's why it is so important for the U.S. and Japan to work together in APEC.

最後に、アジア・太平洋地域における2大経済大国として、アジア太平洋経済協力(APEC:地域内の21か国・地域のグループ)において地域の繁栄と安全保障に向け協力できます。私たちが協力することは、APECの成功にとって極めて重要です。毎年APECフォーラムに集まる21人の首脳たちは、世界人口のおよそ40%、世界貿易の約50%ならびに世界経済生産の60%を代表しています。従って、APECの首脳たちが合意に至ることは大きな意味を持ちます。しかし、21の多様な経済国・地域間で合意を達成することは、なかなか簡単にはいきません。だからこそ、米国と日本がAPECで協力することが大切なのです。

Historically, APEC's work has focused on facilitating regional trade, investment and economic growth. The vision adopted by APEC leaders in 1994 of free and open trade and investment throughout the region is powerful. Japan played an important role as host of APEC in 1995 when APEC leaders adopted the Osaka Action Agenda to transform that vision into reality. The greatest successes to date have been in reducing business transaction costs by cutting red tape, embracing automation, harmonizing standards, and eliminating unnecessary barriers to trade.

歴史的にみると、APECの活動は、地域貿易・投資・経済成長の促進が中心でした。1994年にAPEC首脳たちが採択した全地域における自由で開かれた貿易と投資についてのビジョンは影響力があります。日本は、1995年、APECの首脳たちがこのビジョンの実現化のために大阪行動指針を採決した会議を主催し、重要な役割を果たしました。今日までの成功事例としては、形式主義的なしきたりを破ることによる商取引の費用削減、機械化の受け入れ、基準の調和ならびに不要な貿易障壁の除去があります。

This year the U.S. looks forward to working very closely with Japan to improve the protection and enforcement of intellectual property rights. This work will position APEC economies to lead the world in innovation, while reducing the flow of counterfeit and pirated goods, which can threaten not only people's economic welfare but also their health and safety.

今年は知的財産権の保護と行使の強化のため日本と緊密に協力していきたいと思います。この活動により、APECのメンバーが革新において世界をリードする立場になり、人々の経済的福祉だけでなく健康や安全をも脅かしかねない模倣品や海賊版の製品の流通を減らすことになるでしょう。

APEC leaders have also supported the process of global trade liberalization, for example by calling for a swift return to the WTO negotiating table in 2003. APEC leaders will again have an opportunity to give a boost to the WTO process when they meet in Pusan, Korea, in November, a few weeks before the world's trade ministers gather in Hong Kong for an important round of WTO negotiations. In addition to political support by APEC leaders, trade negotiators from APEC economies have developed specific proposals to advance the WTO agenda in areas like customs facilitation and reducing tariffs on information technology products.

APECの首脳たちは、例えば2003年にWTO交渉の早期再開を呼びかけるなど、世界貿易自由化のプロセスを支持してきました。APECの首脳たちは、世界の貿易担当大臣がWTO交渉の重要なラウンドのために香港に集う数週間前に、韓国の釜山で11月に会合する際にも、WTOプロセスへの取り組みを後押しする機会があります。APECの首脳たちによる政治的支持に加え、APECのメンバーの貿易交渉担当者たちは、通関手続きの簡素化やIT製品に対する関税引き下げなどの分野で、WTOの議題を進展させるために具体的な提案を打ち出しています。

APEC also is making progress on developing common approaches to negotiating bilateral and regional free trade agreements, to ensure that such agreements are comprehensive, consistent with the WTO, and truly trade liberalizing. This work is particularly important to ensure that the many existing and new agreements in the Asia-Pacific region serve not as stumbling blocks but as building blocks to achieve APEC's trade and investment goals.

APECは、2国間自由貿易協定や地域貿易協定の交渉について、そうした協定が包括的でWTOと一貫し、貿易の自由化に真につながるような共通の取り組み方の策定でも前進しています。この作業は、アジア・太平洋地域での多くの新旧の協定が、APECの貿易と投資の目標達成に向け、障害ではなく基盤となるように確保する上で特に重要です。

In recent years, APEC leaders have also emphasized security, recognizing that free and open trade and investment cannot be achieved if it makes our societies less safe. The U.S. and Japan are collaborating very closely in APEC to strengthen export control systems in other APEC economies. This work will facilitate the flow of goods to legitimate end users while preventing illicit trafficking in weapons of mass destruction, their delivery systems, and related items. We also are working together to enhance safety of regional ports and to develop guidelines for keeping dangerous weapons like shoulder mounted missiles from terrorists.

ここ数年APECの首脳たちは、私たちの社会の安全を脅かす恐れがあっては自由で開かれた貿易は達成できないという認識のもと、安全保障についても強調してきました。米国と日本は他のAPECのメンバーの輸出管理制度の強化のためAPECでも緊密に協力しています。この活動は大量破壊兵器とその運搬システムと関連品目の違法取引を防止しつつ、合法的な末端利用者への製品の流通を促進します。私たちは地域の港湾の安全を向上させ、携帯型肩打ち式防空ミサイルのような危険な兵器がテロリストの手に渡るのを防ぐため、ガイドラインの整備についてもお互いに協力しています。

Conclusion

最後に

To briefly review the points I tried to make today: U.S.-Japan relations are very strong, they are enduring, and that strength and endurance stems from our shared values and shared interests. Our combined size of nearly one half of the world's GDP means that working together we wield influence, and can tackle difficult problems together and in multilateral and regional organizations. We can work together to advance our common interests and global welfare in a wide number of fields including foreign assistance, global trade liberalization and in APEC.

本日、私がお話しした点について簡単にまとめたいと思います。日米関係は大変強固であり、不朽で、その強さと持続性は私たちの共通の価値観と利害の上に成り立っています。私たち両国を合わせると世界の国内総生産(GDP)の半分近くを占めるということは、協力することによって影響力を及ぼし、国際機関や地域的機関においても難題に一緒に取り組むことができるということです。海外援助や世界貿易の自由化、またAPECにおいてなど、多くの分野で私たちの共通の利益や世界の繁栄のため協力していくことができます。

You here in the Kyushu have an important role to play in this. You have a long history stemming from before the Meiji Restoration advocating for reform and change. I would encourage you to continue to exercise your "naiatsu" and promote policies in Tokyo that will enable Japan to continue working with the United States to advance our shared interests.

Thank you very much.

その中で、ここ九州の皆様は大事な役割を担っていらっしゃいます。明治維新以前から改革と変革を支持する長い歴史をお持ちです。これからもどうか、共通の利益を推進するために日本が引き続き米国と協力できるよう、「内圧」をかけ続け、東京の政策に働きかけていただきたいと思います。

ご清聴ありがとうございました。


from the website of the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo
ジェームス・ズムワルト在日米国大使館経済担当公使の鹿児島における演説文(2005.2.25)


■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■ □ ■

TOP
The Presidential Inaugural Speech
January 20, 2005

Vice President Cheney, Mr. Chief Justice, President Carter, President Bush, President Clinton, reverend clergy, distinguished guests, fellow citizens:

チェーニー副大統領、(レンキスト)連邦最高裁判所長官、カーター元大統領、ブッシュ元大統領、クリントン前大統領、連邦議会議員の方々、聖職者並びに来賓の方々、そして市民の皆さん。

On this day, prescribed by law and marked by ceremony, we celebrate the durable wisdom of our Constitution, and recall the deep commitments that unite our country. I am grateful for the honor of this hour, mindful of the consequential times in which we live, and determined to fulfill the oath that I have sworn and you have witnessed.

今日この日、法に定められた通り、式典を行い、私達は憲法の永続的英知を祝い、国をひとつに結ぶ深い誓約を思い起こします。私は、今ここに立つ名誉に与ったことを、感謝しています。そして、私達が生きる時代の重大さを心に留め、皆さんが見届けた就任の宣誓を果たすために、決意を固くしています。

At this second gathering, our duties are defined not by the words I use, but by the history we have seen together. For a half century, America defended our own freedom by standing watch on distant borders. After the shipwreck of communism came years of relative quiet, years of repose, years of sabbatical - and then there came a day of fire.

この二度目の就任式において、私達がこれから果たすべき責務を明確にするのは、私が使う言葉ではなく、私達が共に見た歴史です。半世紀の間、アメリカは、遠い国の国境を見張ることにより、自らの自由を守ってきました。共産主義の崩壊後、比較的穏やかな年が続きました。平安と安息の年月でした。そして、「炎の日」がやってきたのです。

We have seen our vulnerability - and we have seen its deepest source. For as long as whole regions of the world simmer in resentment and tyranny - prone to ideologies that feed hatred and excuse murder - violence will gather, and multiply in destructive power, and cross the most defended borders, and raise a mortal threat. There is only one force of history that can break the reign of hatred and resentment, and expose the pretensions of tyrants, and reward the hopes of the decent and tolerant, and that is the force of human freedom.

私達は、自らの弱さを目の当たりにし、そのもっとも深い根源を見ました。世界の地域が、憤懣や専制政治で爆発寸前にある限り、また、憎悪をあおり、殺人を容認するイデオロギーに傾く限り、暴力は強まり、破壊力を増し、もっとも堅固な国境でさえ越え、危険な脅威となります。歴史上、憎悪や憤懣を断ち切り、圧政者のうぬぼれを暴き、善良で寛容な人々の希望に報いることができる力は、ひとつしかありません。それは、人間の自由という力です。

We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.

私達は、さまざまな出来事や常識に導かれ、ひとつの結論に達します。つまり、私達の国で自由が生き残れるかどうかは、他の国々で自由が成功するかどうかに、ますますかかっている、ということです。私達の世界で、平和への希望を一番与えるものは、全世界に自由を広めることです。

America's vital interests and our deepest beliefs are now one. From the day of our Founding, we have proclaimed that every man and woman on this earth has rights, and dignity, and matchless value, because they bear the image of the Maker of Heaven and earth. Across the generations we have proclaimed the imperative of self-government, because no one is fit to be a master, and no one deserves to be a slave. Advancing these ideals is the mission that created our Nation. It is the honorable achievement of our fathers. Now it is the urgent requirement of our nation's security, and the calling of our time.

アメリカの決定的に重要な利益と、もっとも深い信条は、今日、ひとつなのです。建国の日以来、誰もが権利を有し、尊厳や無比の価値を持つと、私達は宣言してきました。なぜなら、人は天地の創造者(神)の姿をしているからです。世代は変わっても、私達は民主政治の必要性を訴え続けてきました。なぜなら、主人にふさわしい人も、奴隷に甘んじなければならない人も、いないからです。このような理想を推進するという使命が、私達の国を作りました。建国の父の偉業です。そして今、その理想の推進は、国の安全にとって不可欠であり、時代の要請です。

So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.

ですから、すべての国で、民主化運動や民主的制度・文化の成長を支援することが、アメリカの政策なのです。その最終目標は、世界中で専制政治を終わらせることです。

This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend ourselves and our friends by force of arms when necessary. Freedom, by its nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens, and sustained by the rule of law and the protection of minorities. And when the soul of a nation finally speaks, the institutions that arise may reflect customs and traditions very different from our own. America will not impose our own style of government on the unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.

その仕事の中心となるのは武力ではありません。必要な時には、自国や同盟国を武力で防衛しますが、自由は本質的に、市民が選択し、守り、法の支配や少数派の保護により、支えなければなりません。一国の国民が心の声を発した時、その結果生まれる制度は、彼らの慣習や伝統を反映し、私達のものとは大きく違うかもしれません。アメリカは自らの統治形態を、望まない人達に押しつけるようなことはしません。そうではなく、私達が目指すことは、他の人達が自分の声を見つけ、自らの自由を獲得し、成功する手助けをすることです。

The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work of generations. The difficulty of the task is no excuse for avoiding it. America's influence is not unlimited, but fortunately for the oppressed, America's influence is considerable, and we will use it confidently in freedom's cause.

専制政治を終わらせるという大きな目的のために、代々、努力が傾けられてきました。難しいことだからといって、逃げるわけにはいきません。アメリカの影響力は無限ではありません。しかし、抑圧を受けている人達にとって幸いなことに、アメリカの影響力はかなり大きなものであり、私達は、それを自由の大義のために敢然と使います。

My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people against further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely chosen to test America's resolve, and have found it firm.

私のもっとも厳粛な責務は、この国と国民をさらなる攻撃や、新たな脅威から守ることです。一部の者達は、愚かにも、アメリカの決意を試そうとしました。そして、決意の固さを思い知りました。

We will persistently clarify the choice before every ruler and every nation: The moral choice between oppression, which is always wrong, and freedom, which is eternally right. America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.

私達は、すべての国の支配者に対し、一貫して選択肢を明確にします。常に悪である抑圧と、不変の善である自由という二つの間の、道徳上の選択です。獄中の反政府運動家が、足かせを望んでいるなどと、アメリカは考えません。また、女性が屈辱や隷従を喜んで受け入れているなどと考えません。独裁者の言いなりになって生きたい人がいるなどと、考えません。

We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that success in our relations will require the decent treatment of their own people. America's belief in human dignity will guide our policies, yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.

私達は、良好な対米関係には自国民の適切な扱いが必要であることを明確にして、他国政府に改革を促します。アメリカは人間の尊厳を尊重し、それが私達の政策の指針となります。しかし、権利は、独裁者がしぶしぶ認める以上のものでなければなりません。反論の自由や、被統治民の参加で、権利は確かなものになります。長期的にみれば、自由なくして正義はあり得ません。人間の自由なくして、人権はあり得ません。

Some, I know, have questioned the global appeal of liberty - though this time in history, four decades defined by the swiftest advance of freedom ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans, of all people, should never be surprised by the power of our ideals. Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will come to those who love it.

私が知る人の中にも、世界にアピールする力が、自由にあるかどうか、疑いを持つ人がいます。しかし、もっとも急速な自由の進展で定義される40年間を経た歴史の現時点で、疑いを持つのはおかしなことです。すべての人々の中で、アメリカ人こそ、私達の理想が持つ力に驚くべきではありません。自由への誘いは、やがて、すべての人の心にやって来ます。私達は、恒久的な専制政治の存在を受け入れません。なぜなら、私達は、恒久的奴隷制度など受け入れられないからです。自由は、それを愛する者にやって来ます。

Today, America speaks anew to the peoples of the world:

今日、アメリカは、改めて世界の人々に語りかけます。

All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.

専制政治や絶望の中で生きる人達に伝えたいのは、アメリカは、あなたが受けている抑圧を無視したり、抑圧者を許したりしないということです。自らの自由のために闘うのであれば、私達が味方です。

Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your free country.

抑圧、投獄、国外追放に直面している民主改革派に伝えたいのは、アメリカは皆さんの本質を見ているということです。あなたの国が将来、自由になった時、その指導者になる人です。

The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as Abraham Lincoln did: "Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it."

ならず者国家の支配者に言いたいのは、私達は、リンカーン大統領が信じたように、今でも信じている、ということです。他者に自由を与えない者は、自らも自由に値しないのです。また、そのような者は、正義の神の支配下では、長く自由を保つことはできません。

The leaders of governments with long habits of control need to know: To serve your people you must learn to trust them. Start on this journey of progress and justice, and America will walk at your side.

支配癖を長い間持ち続けてきた政府指導者は、国民に仕えるには、国民を信用しなければならないことを学ぶべきです。正義の進展への道のりを歩み始めなさい。そうすれば、アメリカはあなたと共に歩きます。

And all the allies of the United States can know: we honor your friendship, we rely on your counsel, and we depend on your help. Division among free nations is a primary goal of freedom's enemies. The concerted effort of free nations to promote democracy is a prelude to our enemies' defeat.

アメリカの全同盟国に伝えたいのは、皆さんの友情を大切に思い、助言や助けを頼りにしているということです。自由国家間の分断こそ、自由の敵が一番目指すことです。自由国家が民主主義推進のために協調すれば、敵の敗北の序章となります。

Today, I also speak anew to my fellow citizens:

今日、私は市民の皆さんにも改めて語りかけます。

From all of you, I have asked patience in the hard task of securing America, which you have granted in good measure. Our country has accepted obligations that are difficult to fulfill, and would be dishonorable to abandon. Yet because we have acted in the great liberating tradition of this nation, tens of millions have achieved their freedom. And as hope kindles hope, millions more will find it. By our efforts, we have lit a fire as well - a fire in the minds of men. It warms those who feel its power, it burns those who fight its progress, and one day this untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world.

私は皆さんに、アメリカの安全を確保する困難な仕事で、忍耐を求めました。皆さんは、十分に応じてくれました。私達の国は、難しい義務を引き受けました。この義務を投げ出すのは不名誉なことです。解放者としてのこの国の偉大な伝統に則り、私達が行動を起こしたため、数千万人が自由を獲得しました。希望が希望を燃やすように、さらに数百万人が自由を見つけるでしょう。私達の努力により、私達は火を灯したのです。人の心の火です。その力を感じる人には、ぬくもりを与え、その前進を妨げる者は焼かれます。そして、いつの日か、この抑えられない自由の火は、世界のもっとも暗いところにも届くでしょう。

A few Americans have accepted the hardest duties in this cause - in the quiet work of intelligence and diplomacy ... the idealistic work of helping raise up free governments ... the dangerous and necessary work of fighting our enemies. Some have shown their devotion to our country in deaths that honored their whole lives - and we will always honor their names and their sacrifice.

この大義のために、もっとも過酷な責務を引き受けた国民がいます。諜報や外交という地道な仕事、自由政府の樹立を援助する理想主義的な仕事、敵との戦闘という危険かつ不可欠な仕事。国への献身を、死をもって示した人もいます。彼らの人生をたたえる死です。私達は、永遠に彼らの名前と犠牲に敬意を払います。

All Americans have witnessed this idealism, and some for the first time. I ask our youngest citizens to believe the evidence of your eyes. You have seen duty and allegiance in the determined faces of our soldiers. You have seen that life is fragile, and evil is real, and courage triumphs. Make the choice to serve in a cause larger than your wants, larger than yourself - and in your days you will add not just to the wealth of our country, but to its character.

すべてのアメリカ国民が、この理想主義を目の当たりにしました。初めてだった人もいます。私は、もっとも若い市民に、自分の目で見た事実を信じるよう求めます。義務感と忠誠を、決意を秘めた兵士達の顔に見たはずです。命がもろいこと、また、邪悪が現実であることを見たはずです。そして、勇気が勝利するのを見たはずです。自分が必要とするものや自分自身よりも大きな大義のために、奉仕する道を選んでください。そうすれば、国の富を増やすだけでなく、国の名声を高めることになります。

America has need of idealism and courage, because we have essential work at home - the unfinished work of American freedom. In a world moving toward liberty, we are determined to show the meaning and promise of liberty.

アメリカには理想主義や勇気が必要です。なぜなら、極めて重要な仕事が国内にあるからです。未完成のままのアメリカの自由です。自由に向かって進む世界の中で、私達は、自由の意味と約束を示すために決意を固くしています。

In America's ideal of freedom, citizens find the dignity and security of economic independence, instead of laboring on the edge of subsistence. This is the broader definition of liberty that motivated the Homestead Act, the Social Security Act, and the G.I. Bill of Rights. And now we will extend this vision by reforming great institutions to serve the needs of our time. To give every American a stake in the promise and future of our country, we will bring the highest standards to our schools, and build an ownership society. We will widen the ownership of homes and businesses, retirement savings and health insurance - preparing our people for the challenges of life in a free society. By making every citizen an agent of his or her own destiny, we will give our fellow Americans greater freedom from want and fear, and make our society more prosperous and just and equal.

アメリカが理想とする自由な状態では、市民は、生存最低限の生活ではなく、経済的自立の誇りと安心を手にします。これは、より広い意味での自由の定義であり、ホームステッド法や社会保障法、復員兵援護法のきっかけとなりました。そして今、私達は、時代の必要に応えるために、偉大な制度を改革して、このビジョンを広げます。国民の誰もが、アメリカの約束や将来から締め出されることのないように、私達は、学校にもっとも高い水準を導入します。そして、「所有社会」を構築します。住宅、事業、老後の蓄え、健康保険の分野で個人所有を拡大し、自由社会における人生の課題に国民を備えます。国民ひとりひとりが、自ら主体となって運命を決められるようにすることで、恐怖や貧困からの解放よりも大きな自由を、国民に与えることができます。そして、社会をさらに繁栄させ、公正、公平にすることができます。

In America's ideal of freedom, the public interest depends on private character - on integrity, and tolerance toward others, and the rule of conscience in our own lives. Self-government relies, in the end, on the governing of the self. That edifice of character is built in families, supported by communities with standards, and sustained in our national life by the truths of Sinai, the Sermon on the Mount, the words of the Koran, and the varied faiths of our people. Americans move forward in every generation by reaffirming all that is good and true that came before - ideals of justice and conduct that are the same yesterday, today, and forever.

アメリカが理想とする自由な状態では、公共の利益は、私達自身の生活における個人の人格、誠実さ、他者への寛容、良心の支配に依存します。民主政治は、結局のところ、自分自身を治めることができるかどうかにかかっています。個人の人格は、家族により形作られ、規範ある地域社会に支えられ、国民生活においてはモーゼの十戒、山上の垂訓、コーランの教え、国民の様々な信仰により支えられます。アメリカ人は、世代ごとに前進していますが、それは、それまでの善や真実を再確認することによってなされます。正義という理想、過去から現在、そして永遠に変わらない行いを再確認するのです。

In America's ideal of freedom, the exercise of rights is ennobled by service, and mercy, and a heart for the weak. Liberty for all does not mean independence from one another. Our nation relies on men and women who look after a neighbor and surround the lost with love. Americans, at our best, value the life we see in one another, and must always remember that even the unwanted have worth. And our country must abandon all the habits of racism, because we cannot carry the message of freedom and the baggage of bigotry at the same time.

アメリカが理想とする自由な状態では、権利の行使は、奉仕や慈悲、弱者への思いやりにより高められます。すべての人が自由であるということは、各人が独立して存在することではありません。私達の国は、隣人の面倒を見る人、道に迷った人を愛で包む人に頼っています。お互いの命を大切にしてこそ、アメリカ人ですが、忘れてならないのは、望まれない(胎児の)命にも価値があることです。そして、私達の国は、すべての人種差別の習慣を捨てなければなりません。なぜなら、狭量者の重荷を背負いながら、自由のメッセージを携えることはできないからです。

From the perspective of a single day, including this day of dedication, the issues and questions before our country are many. From the viewpoint of centuries, the questions that come to us are narrowed and few. Did our generation advance the cause of freedom? And did our character bring credit to that cause?

就任式の今日も含め、一日という観点から見れば、私達の国が直面する問題や、問われることはたくさんあります。しかし、数世紀という観点から眺めれば、私達に問われることは、わずかになります。私達の世代は、自由の大義を前進させたのか。私達は、その大義に恥じない役割を果たしたのか。

These questions that judge us also unite us, because Americans of every party and background, Americans by choice and by birth, are bound to one another in the cause of freedom. We have known divisions, which must be healed to move forward in great purposes - and I will strive in good faith to heal them. Yet those divisions do not define America. We felt the unity and fellowship of our nation when freedom came under attack, and our response came like a single hand over a single heart. And we can feel that same unity and pride whenever America acts for good, and the victims of disaster are given hope, and the unjust encounter justice, and the captives are set free.

私達に審判を下すこの問いは、私達をひとつに結びつけるものでもあります。なぜなら、私達は、支持政党や生い立ちにかかわらず、アメリカ生まれか移民かにかかわらず、自由の大義において、一蓮托生だからです。私達は分断を経験しました。大きな目的のために前進するには、分断を修復しなければなりません。私は、誠意を持って、努力するつもりです。しかし、その分断がアメリカの本質を定義するのではありません。私達は、自由が攻撃にさらされた時、国の結束や連帯を感じました。心も行動もひとつになって対処しました。アメリカが善のために行動する時、私達はいつでも、同じ結束や誇りを感じることができます。そうすれば、災害の被災者は希望を与えられ、不正は裁きを受け、とらわれの身は解放されます。

We go forward with complete confidence in the eventual triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on the wheels of inevitability; it is human choices that move events. Not because we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and chooses as He wills. We have confidence because freedom is the permanent hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the soul. When our Founders declared a new order of the ages; when soldiers died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty; when citizens marched in peaceful outrage under the banner "Freedom Now" - they were acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be fulfilled. History has an ebb and flow of justice, but history also has a visible direction, set by liberty and the Author of Liberty.

私達は、自由がやがて勝利することを確信して、前進します。確信する理由は、歴史が必然で動いているからではなく、人間の選択が出来事を動かすからです。自分達のことを、神に選ばれた国であると考えるからではありません。神は自ら欲するように行動し、選択します。私達が確信する理由は、自由が人類の永遠の希望だからです。自由は、暗がりで切望され、魂のあこがれだからです。建国の父が、来るべき時代の新秩序を宣言した時、また、自由に基づく連合のために多くの兵士が次々に死んでいった時、彼らは皆、実現される運命にある、太古の希望に基づいて行動したのです。、そして今日、自由の旗の下、市民が平和的な憤りからデモ行進をする時も、同じ希望に基づいて行動しているのです。歴史には、正義の盛衰が見られます。しかし、歴史には、明らかな方向があります。自由が定めた方向、自由の創造者(神)が定めた方向です。

When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said, "It rang as if it meant something." In our time it means something still. America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants thereof. Renewed in our strength - tested, but not weary - we are ready for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom.

独立宣言が初めて公の場で読まれた時、自由の鐘が祝福して鳴り響きました。その場にいた一人が、鐘はまるで何かを意味するように鳴った、と言いました。今の時代でも、意味は失われていません。始まって間もない今世紀、アメリカは世界中で、すべての人に、自由を宣言します。強さを取り戻し、試練を経ても疲弊することなく、私達は、自由の歴史上、最大の偉業を成し遂げる準備ができています。

May God bless you, and may He watch over the United States of America.

皆さんに神のご加護がありますように。神が、アメリカ合衆国を見守ってくださいますように。


from the website of the U.S. White House

ブッシュ大統領の2期目の就任演説文(2005.1.20)
日本語訳は、"翻訳します!"のウェブサイトから頂きました。


HOME 掲示板 業務内容 価格表 地 図 経 歴 リンク 演説集 資料室 辞 書 STAFF English

Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the United States.  1989.
John F. Kennedy
Inaugural Address
Friday, January 20, 1961

J.F ケネディ 大統領就任演説
1961年1月20日

"Heavy snow fell the night before the inauguration, but thoughts about cancelling the plans were overruled. The election of 1960 had been close, and the Democratic Senator from Massachusetts was eager to gather support for his agenda. He attended Holy Trinity Catholic Church in Georgetown that morning before joining President Eisenhower to travel to the Capitol. The Congress had extended the East Front, and the inaugural platform spanned the new addition. The oath of office was administered by Chief Justice Earl Warren. Robert Frost read one of his poems at the ceremony. "

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom—symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning—signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

今日のわれわれの勝利が、政党の勝利ではなく自由の勝利だということを祝おう。それは、始まりとともに終わりを象徴しており、変化とともに再建を示している。なぜなら、一と四分の三世紀近くも前にわれわれの先祖が定めたものと全く同じ厳粛な誓いを、みなさんと全能なる神の前で私は誓ったばかりであるからだ。

  The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe—the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

世界は大きく変貌している。人類は、あらゆる形の貧困とあらゆる形の人間の生命を根絶させる力を手にしたからである。それにもかかわらず、われわれの祖先がそのために血をながしてきた独立戦争の信念は、いまだに世界中で論争の的になっている。それは人間の権利は国家が気前よくくれたものではなく、神の手によって授けられているという信念である。

  We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans—born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage—and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

われわれは今日、その最初の独立戦争の継承者であることを忘れてはならない。今、この時、この場所からこの言葉を伝えようではないか、敵味方を問わずに。たいまつはアメリカの新しい世代にひきつがれたと。その世代は、今世紀に生まれ、戦争にさらされ、厳しく苦い平和にきたえられて、われわれの祖先の遺産をほこりに思い、母国でも世界中でもこの国がいつも守ってきて、今日われわれが守っているこれらの人権が旧態依然と取り消されるようなことを目撃したり、認めたりはしない世代である。

  Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

敵であろうが味方であろうが、全ての国に知らせよう。われわれは自由が生きのび勝利をおさめるためになら、どんな対価も支払い、どんな重荷にも耐え、どんな困難にも立ち向かい、味方を支持し、敵には対抗するということを。

  This much we pledge—and more.

われわれはこのことを固く誓うし、それ以上の用意もある。

  To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do—for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

文化と精神的な起源を一にする古くからの同盟国に対して、われわれは信頼にたる友としての忠誠を誓う。われわれが一致団結すればなしえないことはほとんどないし、たもとを分かつとすれば、何事もなしとげられないのだ。われわれは、互いに争いばらばらになって、どうやって強力な挑戦に立ち向かえばいいというのだろう。

  To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom—and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

われわれが自由主義世界への仲間入りを歓迎する新しい国々には、このことを誓おう。植民地支配という一つの形が終わって、単により厳しい鉄の専制が置きかわるわけではないということを。われわれは、これらの国々が常にわれわれの見解に賛同してくれるとは期待していない。ただわれわれは、これらの国々が自国なりの自由を見出してくれることをいつも強く望むものである。過去にはこういうことがあったのも覚えておいてほしい、つまり愚かにも虎の威をかり権力を志向するものは、けっきょく自滅するということを。

  To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

地球の大部分を占めるほったて小屋や村落に住む人々で、みんなが悲惨な足かせをはずせるように苦闘する人々には、その自助努力に対して、どれほどの時間がかかろうとも最大限の力添えを誓おう。それは共産主義者がそうするかもしれないからでも、かれらの票が目当てなわけでもない。それが正しいことだからだ。もし自由な社会が貧しい大多数のものを救えないようであれば、少数の金持ちをも救うことはできないのである。

  To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge—to convert our good words into good deeds—in a new alliance for progress—to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

われわれと密接な関係にある国境の南の国々に対しては、特別な約束をしよう。言葉を実行に移し、進歩のために新しい同盟をむすび、自由な人々や国々が貧困のくさりから解き放たれる手助けをすると。しかしこの平和的な革命の希望が、敵対する勢力のえじきになるようなことがあってはならない。全ての近隣諸国は、われわれがアメリカ大陸のどこにおいても、他国への侵略や政府の転覆といったことに協力して対抗するということを知っておいてほしい。そしてその他の国々も、この地域においてはわれわれは自分のことは自分でするということを知っておいてもらいたい。

  To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support—to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective—to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak—and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

世界中の独立国の集まり、つまり国際連合に対しては、われわれは支持の誓いを新たにする。国際連合は、戦争という手段が平和という手段よりはるかに利用された時代においては、われわれの最後の、そして最大の希望である。そしてわれわれは国際連合を単にののしりあいの場にはせず、新しく弱小な国への保護を強め、国際憲章のおよぶ地域を拡大するのを支持する誓いを新たにするのである。

  Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

最後に、われわれに敵対しようとする国々に対しては、誓いではなく要求をすることとしよう。両陣営で新たに平和の探求に着手しようという要求を。科学によって束縛をとかれた暗黒たる破壊力が、計画的にあるいは偶然に、全人類を自己破壊の渦にのみこむ前に。

  We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

われわれは、敵対する国々に弱みをみせて挑発してはならない。われわれの戦力が疑いなく十分であるときのみ、われわれはその戦力を利用することが決してないことを疑うことなく確信できる。

  But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course—both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

大きくそして力をもつ2つの陣営は、この現在の路線を歩むかぎりどちらも安心できない。両陣営は現代兵器の過大なコストに苦しみ、死をもたらす原子力が着実に拡散していくのにまさに恐怖をおぼえながらも、人類の最終戦争を押しとどめている不確かな恐怖のバランスをくずそうと互いに競争しているのである。

  So let us begin anew—remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

われわれは新たに着手しなければならない、両陣営とも礼儀正しいふるまいは弱さのしるしではなく、誠実さは常に証明しなければならないということを念頭において。われわれは恐怖ゆえに交渉してはならない、ただ交渉することを恐れてもいけない。

  Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

両陣営で、われわれを分裂させている諸問題を言い争う代わりに、何がわれわれを団結させるのか探索しようではないか。

  Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms—and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

まず第一に、両陣営で武器の査察と管理についての真摯で精密な提案を練り上げようではないか。そして、お互いの国々を崩壊させるような絶対的な力を全ての国の完全な管理の下におこうではないか。

  Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

科学の恐怖ではなく、科学の驚異に訴えかけようではないか。われわれは共に宇宙を探検し、砂漠を征服し、疫病を根絶し、深海を開発し、芸術や商業を振興しようではないか。

  Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah—to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

両陣営とも地球上の全ての人の心にイザヤの言葉を宿らせよう。「重荷を下ろし...虐げられたものを自由にしよう」と。

  And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

そしてもし協力の足がかりが疑惑のうずまくジャングルを押し戻すことができたなら、両陣営は新しい力のバランスではなく、新しい法に基づいた世界を協力して作りあげることができるだろう。新しい法に基づいた世界では、強者も公正であり、弱者が保護され、平和が保たれるのである。

  All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

これはこれからの100日でなしとげられることではないだろう。いやこれからの1000日でなしとげることもできないかもしれない。いやこの政権の間に、もしくはこの地球上でのわれわれの生きている間でさえなしとげられないかもしれない。しかし着手しようではないか。

  In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

われわれのとる道が最終的に成功するか失敗するかは、わたし以上に、あなたがた市民の手にかかっているのだ。この国の建国以来、アメリカ人の各世代は国家に対する忠誠を証明するために召集されてきた。その召集に応えた若いアメリカ人の墓は世界中にある。

  Now the trumpet summons us again—not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are—but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"—a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

今トランペットの音がわれわれを再び召集している。武器は必要だが、武器をとれという召集ではない、戦ってはいるが、戦うための召集ではない、長い夜明け前の闘争の重荷を肩に背負えという召集なのである。いつも希望をもって喜びを抱き、苦難に耐えながら、人類の共通の敵、専制、貧困、疫病、そして戦争そのものに対して闘うという重荷を。

  Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

これらを敵にして、北も南も、東も西も、壮大な世界的な同盟をわれわれは作れないものだろうか? その同盟は全人類により実りある生活を保証してくれるだろう。あなたがたもこの歴史的な努力に身を投じてみないだろうか?

  In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

世界の長い歴史の中で、自由が最大の危機にさらされている時に、自由を守る役割を与えられてきた世代はごく少ない。私はこの責任からしりごみするものではない、私はそれを歓迎する。われわれの誰かが自分の立場を、他の人もしくは他の世代と交換するだろうなどということを私は信じない。こうした努力にわれわれが捧げるエネルギー、信念、献身こそがわれわれの国家を、そして国家につかえるわれわれを照らしだすのである。そしてその明かりから発せられる輝きこそが、本当に世界を照らしだすのである。

  And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.

そして、わが同胞のアメリカ人よ、あなたの国家があなたのために何をしてくれるかではなく、あなたがあなたの国家のために何ができるかを問おうではないか。

  My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

わが同胞の世界の市民よ、アメリカがあなたのために何をしてくれるかではなく、われわれと共に人類の自由のために何ができるかを問おうではないか。

  Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

最後に、あなたがアメリカ市民であろうが、世界の市民であろうが、われわれがあなたに求めるのと同じ高い水準の力と犠牲をここのわれわれに求めて欲しい。良心を唯一のたしかな報酬とみなし、歴史がわれわれの行動に最終的な判断を下してくれることを信じて、神の祝福と助けをもとめながらも、この地球上では神の仕事はわれわれ自身でなしとげなければならないということを肝に銘じて、われわれの愛すべき国を導くために前進しよう。


日本語訳は、"アメリカ大統領就任演説"のウェブサイトから頂きました。
"© 2001 katokt プロジェクト杉田玄白(http://www.genpaku.org/)正式参加作品 "
本翻訳は、この版権表示を残す限りにおいて、訳者および著者にたいして
許可をとったり使用料を支払ったりすることいっさいなしに、商業利用を含む
あらゆる形で自由に利用・複製が認められる。


HOME サイトマップ 掲示板 業務内容 価格表 地図 経歴 リンク 演説集 資料室 辞書 English

 このページのアクセス解析はここをクリック